2015 Guber Polls: Why Are Politicians Playing Ethnic Card In Lagos?

•PDP guber candidate Jimi Agbaje;                 •APC guber candidate Akinwunmi Ambode

Does ethnicity have limitations in determining the outcome of elections in a cosmopolitan state like Lagos? Emmanuel Oladesu examines the activities of politicians playing the ethnic card and how far they can go.

by Emmanuel Oladesu (Group Political Editor, The Nation)

Will the next governor of Lagos be governor of Igbo or Yoruba? The answer is no. The next governor should be the governor of all Lagosians, irrespective of tribe and religion.

But, why are desperate politicians dividing the state along ethnic lines to gain an upper hand at the governorship election billed for Saturday? Why are the unscrupulously fanning the embers of disunity in the Centre of Excellence?

Since Independence, Igbo and Yoruba have co-existed peacefully in Lagos. During the civil war, many Igbo hurriedly returned to the Southeast. Yoruba protected their property. The proceeds from their rents were handed over to them when they returned after the war. Igbo settlers have enjoyed the courtesy of their accommodating hosts, who have never discriminated against them.

Since 1999 to date, the Lagos State government has also accorded Igbo in the city-state a sense of belonging. Their lives, property and businesses have been protected. In terms of teaching and civil service employment, there is no discrimination against them. Igbo has a commissioner in Lagos State Executive Council. There is also an Igbo senior special assistant in the Governor’s Office. The Publicity Secretary of the ruling party- the All Progressives Congress (APC) – is an Igbo.

But, ahead of the general elections, the cordial relations have been ruptured, following the resort to ethnic politics by the rival Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). According to observers, the PDP invaded the zones in the metropolis where there is a high concentration of Igbo to commercialize the election and incite them against Yoruba-speaking APC candidates. Unprecedented financial inducement and hate campaigns filled the air. The resort to ethnicity has jerked up the fortunes of the PDP in five federal constituencies where the PDP won the House of Representatives election. But, the opposition party failed the test of numerical strength at the senatorial poll.

During the campaigns, PDP leaders made highly inflammable statements which aroused tribal consciousness. Some of them dreamt of an Igbo State, which, in their imagination, would be carved out from Lagos State in the future. There was also an inexplicable promise of a rival monarchy, whereby Igbo will have their Ezes in the Lagos State Government Gazette. More slots were promised the Igbos in the State Executive Council. In fact, other structures have to be re-built structure to accommodate more Igbo in the scheme of things. Thus, when the PDP campaign train rolled into the largest auto spare parts market in Ladipo, Mushin, mainland Lagos, the PDP leaders queried the composition of the market unions. They said since it is a supposedly Igbo-dominated market, Yoruba should not be market leaders. The Igbo traders hailed the sensitization. The next day, the Igbo stared agitating for a change in the leadership of the unions. They insisted the Yoruba should give way. There was commotion. But, the police moved in to quickly restore order.

Irked by the attempt to create ethnic tension, a PPD chieftain, who loathed the ethnic campaigns, said it may backfire later. “Igbo have been accommodated by Yoruba in Lagos. I know Yoruba in the Southeast do not enjoy the same courtesy. That is why no Yoruba has served as the Vice Chancellor of the University of Nigeria Nsukka (UNN). Can Igbo do all these in the North? Are they not telling the Yoruba that they can lord it over them in their Southwest? The resort to ethnic card is dangerous. I know there may be an imminent tribal re-awakening among Yoruba in Lagos and the repercussion may be inimical to national unity. It may not be now. But, it cannot be foreclosed,” he said.

Another party member, who is from Aworiland, retorted: “I blame our fathers who engaged in indiscriminate sale of land to foreigners. We their children do not even have inheritance again, in terms of lands. In the light of the Igbo’s ambitious move to dominate Lagos politics, I know that the Awori Descendants Union will not reflect on the dangers that lie ahead. They will apply the break.”

Gradually displacing the peaceful co-existence in the metropolis is an intense clamour for ethnic consciousness. The offensive slogan – Lagos is a no man’s land – is being exploited with impunity. According to watchers, a clash of ethnic interests can be avoided if politicians refrain from playing the ethnic card. The feeling of tribalism did not exist in Lagos of fifties when Yoruba voted for the nationalist, the late Dr. Nnamidi Azikiwe, to represent Surulere in the House of Assembly at Ibadan. Then, prominent Yoruba politicians, including Otunba Theophilus Benson, Chief Adeniran Ogunsanya, Chief I.S. Adewale and Prince Adeleke Adedoyin mobilised support for the late Zik of Africa. He was not perceived as an Igbo, but a national figure.  Also, Igbo in the teaching and civil service in Lagos were not employed based on their ethnic background. Only two factors were considered; their nationality and academic qualifications.

But, in the pre-independence era, there was also a resurgence of ethnicity, following allegations of domination of the scene by Igbo. When Zik said the god of Africa has decreed that the Igbo should rule Africa, the declaration generated intellectual uproar. Thus, when the great man wanted to move up to the House of Representatives, a Yoruba, Adedoyin, refused to step down for him. Under the arrangement then, House of Representatives members were selected from the House of Assembly. Zik went to Shagamu, the heart of Remoland, to urge the Akarigbo, the late Oba Williams Adedoyin, to persuade his son to step down. The eminent monarch was an exposed ruler who had fought for the autonomy of his kingdom up to the privy council. Oba Adedoyin asked from Zik: That place you want to go (House of Representatives), is it not a good place? Zik answered in the affirmative. Then, the Akarigbo said, if it is a good place, let my son also go. That was how Prince Adedoyin was selected. Other Yoruba House of Assembly members, including H. P. Adebola, also refused to step down.

After the Great Zik left the Akarigbo’s palace, the chiefs asked from the Oba: Can Yoruba also represent Igbo in the Eastern House of Assembly? One of the Remo Divisional Council members (councilors) knew where the discussion was heading. He cleverly replied: ‘Why not? But, no Yoruba has shown interest in the Eastern Region.’

The late Chief Obafemi Awolowo, who was endowed with foresight, saw all these happening. He knew that the Sardauna of Sokoto, Alhaji Ahmadu Bello, will become the Premier of the North. He knew that somebody from the East will emerged as the Premier of the Eastern Region. Therefore, he decided to organize his people to pave the way for the emergence of a Yoruba as the Premier of the West. Zik was compelled to relocate to the East. His kinsmen cried foul when they realized that the Leader of the Government Business, Ita Eyo, was about to become the Premier. The Igbo used their numerical strength in the Eastern House of Assembly to make Azikiwe Premier of the region.

In demographic studies, there is no way ‘foreigners’ can rival indigenes in numerical strength. What Igbo nationalism in Lagos may result to is the raise the awareness on the part of Lagosians and other Yoruba that there is a threat and an imminent loss of a sense of belonging in their territories. This may be a nasty thought. After all, the constitution stipulates two years of residency for any citizen of Nigeria to qualify for elections in any part of the country. But, the blame for the development of such thoughts, according observers, should go to the ethnic jingoists and unscrupulous politicians playing the ethnic card.